Chapter 8. Varieties of American Nationalism 

This unit highlights the growth of early America and role economic differences play in the widening divisions between the regions of the North, South and West. During this time our country faces the first large wave of non-Anglo Saxon immigration.  How the immigrants assimilate and the reaction of "native" Americans will set an unfortunate pattern for the next two hundred years of immigration policy in the United States.

The specific focus of this unit will be on:

A. The transportation revolution and creation of a national market economy

B. Beginnings of industrialization and changes in social and class structures

C. Immigration and nativist reaction

D. Planters, yeoman farmers, and slaves in the cotton South

 

Reading Assignments:

Textbook Chapters:

Ch. 8 Brinkley 14.pdf

Monroe Doctrine reading [see below]

 

Class Notes: 

C8 Era of Good Feeling.pdf

 

 

Homework Assignments: 

Printable copy of homework: C8 Homework.pdf

 

Part 1 - Ideas/themes to know and include in your notes: 

Second National Bank of the U. S.

National Road

Veto of Internal improvements

Astor’s American Fur Company

Era of Good Feelings

Virginia Dynasty

Adams-Onís Treaty

Panic of 1819

Missouri Compromise

Marshall Court

“Corrupt Bargain”

Tariff of Abominations 

 

Part 2 - Short Answer Question: COMPLETE SENTENCES ONLY - Answer all parts of the question in full. 3/4ths page minimum response. 

How did the Missouri Compromise of 1820 attempt to settle the debate over the future of slavery in the growing American republic?

 

Part 3 - Vocabulary: These words are from the chapter and will be used in context or need to be defined on the weekly chapter quiz. They should be defined on the bottom of the textbook notes.

Accede

Amicable

Antebellum

Bastion

Constituent (noun and adj.)

Felicity

Nationalism

Plurality

Recede

Sectionalism

Cede

Cession

Concede 

Definitions: Fill in the correct word that matches the definition listed. 

__________________1. (adj.) Characterized by or showing goodwill; friendly 

__________________2. (adj.) Serving to compose or make up a thing; a component of a whole 

__________________3. (adj.) Before or existing before a war, especially the American Civil War

__________________5. (n.) A person who authorizes another to act in his or her behalf, as a voter in a district represented by an elected official. 

__________________6. (n.) Devotion and loyalty to one's own country; patriotism. 

__________________7. (n.) Anything seen as preserving or protecting some quality, condition

__________________8. (n.) The largest share, but not more than more than half of the whole; e.g. winning 40% of the vote, but not a 51% majority

__________________9. (n.) Excessive regard for sectional or local interests; regionalism

_________________10. (n.) The state of being happy, especially in a high degree; bliss  

_________________11. (n.) Something that is given up by agreement or treaty, like territory

_________________13. (v.) To yield or formally surrender to another:

_________________14. (v.) Go to or toward a more distant point; withdraw.

Completing the Sentence: Choose the word from the word bank above that best completes each of the following sentences. Write the correct word or form of the word in the space provided.

15. For a brief but alarming moment in 1819–1820, the increasing differences between the North and the South threatened the unity of the United States—until the Missouri Compromise calmed the cries of ___________________________.

16. There will be no compromise, if we cannot go home to our people and tell them that you ___________________________ this right south of 36° 30´.

17. The French abandoned their settlement, but the English refused to ___________________________ to the demand.

18. North Carolina was expected to ___________________________ her western territories to the federal government, as most other northern states had already done; she complied in April, 1790.

19. Massachusetts, a ___________________________ of Federalist feeling, was reluctant to embrace the decisions made by Quincy Adam’s Democratic Republican administration.

20. The trails to the West before 1860, along which hundreds of thousands of white, English-speaking people migrated in the ___________________________ period, were filled with hardships.

21. The Jacksonians believed their large popular and electoral ___________________________ entitled their candidate to the presidency, and they were enraged when he lost.

22. Since the birth of the republic, politicians targeted their messages to the ___________________________ of various localities. 

23. Monroe addressed the needs of his supporters and ___________________________ by building a coalition that met their regional needs.

24. Celebrations of Independence Day, like this one in eastern Massachusetts, became major festive events throughout the United States in the early nineteenth century, a sign of rising American ___________________________.

25. After the election of 1824 the arguments over a Corrupt Bargain refused to ___________________________ and continued unabated until 1828. 

26. These people have become very wealthy, by the ___________________________ of their lands east of the Mississippi to the United States and the payments made to them for these tracts of land.

27. Americans enjoyed unparalleled ___________________________ after winning the War of 1812, entering the “Era of Good Feelings” that was characterized as a period of little political strife.

28. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the ___________________________ relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety.

 

 

 

Monroe Doctrine; December 2, 1823

The Monroe Doctrine was laid out during President Monroe's seventh annual message to Congress, December 2, 1823 (his State of the Union address). Although it probably should have been named after the person who put the ideas and policy together, John Quincy Adams, the Secretary of State.

. . . At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal has been made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. . . that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers. . .

It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the results have been so far very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy to do so. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective Governments; and to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintain it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. . .

Your policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the [Napoleonic] wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none.

It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition in any form with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in hope that other powers will pursue the same course. . .

 

Monroe Doctrine Questions – answer on a separate lined paper

1. What is the first warning we issue to the European powers in paragraph 1?
2. Why was America especially sympathetic towards revolutionary movements in South America?
3. What warning is given to the European countries at the end of paragraph 2?
4. What promise do we make to them in paragraph 3?
5. What foreign policy principles are established for the United States in this document?
6. When has the United States invoked the Monroe Doctrine to become active in our hemisphere? (feel free to google this if you can’t think of one)

 

 

Resources:

History of the Atlantic Cable & Undersea Communications

Samuel Slater's Mill

Example of a Working Cotton Gin